mowich

A closer look at some of the key players in the Lower Mainland’s Wet’suwet’en protests With near-daily protests and blockades disrupting the Lower Mainland, residents are beginning to see some key faces appearing regularly on their TV screens. While demonstrators have taken pains to reject the label of “protester,” referring to themselves instead as land defenders supporting Indigenous sovereignty, it has become apparent that behind many of the actions is a much smaller group of activists. In Vancouver, the face of the string of actions — including an occupation of Attorney General David Eby‘s office and several port blockades — is Natalie Knight. “We are Indigenous people who have lived on this land for a very long time with uninvited settlers on our land,” Knight told Global News at the office occupation. “It’s an economic disruption,” she said of the port blockade. “We recognize that the government tends to only understand the language of money, so disrupting capital and the flow of goods is a language that they will understand.” But Knight, who self-identifies as the organizer of solidarity actions with Wet’suwet’en in Vancouver, isn’t from Canada. She told Global News Tuesday that she was of Yurok and Navajo ancestry with roots in California and New Mexico, and came to the country eight years ago for school, though did not want to discuss her immigration status. “I don’t think I need to share my status with you,” she said. Knight earned a PhD from Simon Fraser University, where she graduated with the Dean’s Convocation medal for her dissertation Dispossessed Indigeneity: Literary Excavations of Internalized Colonialism, described by the school as moving “between the separate fields of Marxism, feminism, settler colonialism, and critical Indigenous studies.” Perhaps presciently, her doctoral advisor Dr. Deanna Reader lauded Knight as a promising scholar and “one who will make an enormous contribution to public debates and urgent social issues in academia and well beyond.” In the Fraser Valley, there is another activist group that’s either organized or facilitated a series of rail blockades, including two that forced the cancellation of West Coast Express service. Formerly the Alliance Against Displacement, the group relaunched in January with a “wider mandate” as the Red Braid Alliance for Decolonial Socialism. On its website, the group calls itself a “revolutionary working class and Indigenous organization active on lands occupied by British Columbia, Canada.” The group has been active since 2013, but one of its key organizers, Ivan Drury, has deeper roots — going back to the three-month squat at the old Woodwards building in 2002. Since then, he’s been the ubiquitous face of the group at tent cities from Nanaimo to Vancouver to Maple Ridge and in the campaign against Burnaby demovictions. In January, he took the lead on a plan to set up an “anti-RCMP checkpoint” outside B.C. RCMP headquarters in Surrey in response to the force’s actions in Wet’suwet’en territory. Drury did not respond to requests for comment. Global News asked the Red Braid Alliance how a group that was founded on housing advocacy became a central actor in a series of civil disobedience actions in the Indigenous sovereignty movement, but they didn’t want to talk. “We don’t want to talk to you on the record about that right now,” said the organization’s Listen Chen, reached by phone, “because it feels like a distraction from the movement as a whole.” https://globalnews.ca/news/6601384/who-are-the-wetsuweten-protesters/

Perceiving land rights as a collective concept may be what some Indigenous cling to but many have understood that securing land title for their communities through the Supreme Court is the only way forward. The Wet'suwet'en had the chance but decided to abandon the process.

One of the problems is that land title must be settled whether the bands want to cling to their ancient rights or not. Another problem is for all this 'sharing of the land' bands are still fighting between themselves over who actually has the right to title. No matter what the bands think should happen, the Supreme Court of Canada has been clear and certain that title must be established. Nothing is going to change that for all the whinging and complaining.

Agreed, Zeitgeist. True Nations are independent. Bands that are completely dependent upon government largess are anything but.

Two thumbs up for that, cannuck.

I'll hold off condemning anyone for this until the RCMP have finished investigating. Both the company and the printer stated they had no hand in the decals. Until further notice, I take them at their word because in the current anti-oil/pipeline climate, I would not put it above someone on that side of the debate to be responsible in order to stir up yet more controversy. Just sayin'.

3 They have tried repeatedly. Governments ignored them. The hereditary chiefs in question did no such thing. When they had the chance to take the government to trial after being told they must in order to prove title - they chose not to do so. Then, they sat on their asses and waited till long after agreements were signed with numerous bands along the line and work was well in progress to say they opposed the deal. Talk about coming late to the party. No matter what comes out of the current talks, the hereditary chiefs in question will not gain title to the lands in question until or if they finally go to court and prove their case to the satisfaction of the judges.

LOL.............wonderfully apt observation there, Argus.

“There are people who are saying that the Delgamuukw decision affirms Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en title, and that is not correct,” said Geoff Plant, former B.C. attorney general, treaty minister and lawyer for the Crown in the original Delgamuukw trial. “It affirmed that title exists in law but said that the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan would essentially need to start all over with a new trial.” “We’re not talking about proven Aboriginal title,” said Thomas Isaac, author of Aboriginal Law and former chief treaty negotiator for the B.C. government. “We’re talking about asserted title, and we’re talking about the rule of law. And the same courts that recognize Section 35 [Canadian Constitution] rights are the same courts that put limits on those rights. It scoped out what title meant, should it be proven. That decision didn’t prove title. It was sent back to trial.” "It’s not clear why the Wet’su-wet’en never pressed forward with a second trial. As of press time, a representative for the Office of the Wet’suwet’en could not be reached to comment." www.princegeorgecitizen.com/news/local-news/delgamuukw-did-not-settle-the-question-of-wet-suwet-en-title-1.24085622 _______________________

Ah, but 'feeling they should have veto' is a far cry from legally having one now isn't, Zeitgeist and that has been clearly stated by Delgamuukw they don't. It is interesting that the very same hereditary chiefs making all the noise about the Coastal Gaslink line are also the ones who chose not to go forward with a trial to prove their land claims. How they could possibly think they have a leg to stand on after abandoning the process is beyond puzzling.

Well that's nice and good to know. Now could you please explain why it is 5 old men who are in the headlines? Are you a fascist?

The level of support? Get real. A majority of those protesting are anything but supporting the obstructionist chiefs - they have agendas that have nothing to do with pipelines or land claims.

She's just very very misinformed, Zeitgeist.

The imbroglio over the Coastal GasLink pipeline speaks to the failure of the treaty process, which was supposed to resolve the Wet’suwet’en rights and title issue out of court. The Wet’suwet’en reached the agreement-in-principle stage but then abandoned the treaty table about two years ago.

Wrong - again. Delgamuukw did not settle the question of Wet’suwet’en title As protests in support of Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs opposed to the Coastal GasLink pipeline continue to rage across the country, a number of Wet’suwet’en and their supporters have pointed to the landmark Delgamuukw decision to support their position. That position is that the hereditary chiefs are the rightful title-holders of traditional land, and that only they can make decisions about what happens on that land. They cite the landmark Supreme Court of Canada Delgamuukw decision as affirming Wet’suwet’en title. Except it didn’t. “There are people who are saying that the Delgamuukw decision affirms Gitxsan and Wet’suwet’en title, and that is not correct,” said Geoff Plant, former B.C. attorney general, treaty minister and lawyer for the Crown in the original Delgamuukw trial. “It affirmed that title exists in law but said that the Wet’suwet’en and Gitxsan would essentially need to start all over with a new trial.” “We’re not talking about proven Aboriginal title,” said Thomas Isaac, author of Aboriginal Law and former chief treaty negotiator for the B.C. government. “We’re talking about asserted title, and we’re talking about the rule of law. And the same courts that recognize Section 35 [Canadian Constitution] rights are the same courts that put limits on those rights. It scoped out what title meant, should it be proven. That decision didn’t prove title. It was sent back to trial.” The Delgamuukw decision was an important legal precedent in Aboriginal rights and title law. The case was brought by members of the Wet’suwet’en and neighbouring Gitxsan First Nation. It became one of the cornerstones for other rulings, notably the William decision, in which the Supreme Court of Canada affirmed the Tsilhqot’in Nation had established title to a portion of claimed territory through continuous and exclusive occupation. Aboriginal title is a higher form of Aboriginal rights. First Nations may hold Aboriginal rights to use land and waters for activities such as hunting, fishing and trapping, but that does not mean they own it. It may be shared territory used by other First Nations. Title is a form of ownership of specific land, although that ownership is communal. In William, the Supreme Court of Canada confirmed Tsilhqot’in title based on the definitions established in the Delgamuukw case. It ruled that 1,750 square kilometres of Crown land southwest of Williams Lake now belongs to the Tsilhqot’in, not the Crown. That’s 2% of the Tsilhqot’in traditional territory originally claimed. Unlike in the William case, the Supreme Court in Delgamuukw stopped short of declaring that the Wet’suwet’en or Gitxsan had proven title to any specific lands. It affirmed that Aboriginal rights and title exist and were never extinguished. But to establish title, a second trial would be needed. As the William case demonstrated, proving title would require establishing continuous and exclusive occupation to certain lands. It would also need to address overlap issues with other First Nations in shared territory. It’s not clear why the Wet’su-wet’en never pressed forward with a second trial. As of press time, a representative for the Office of the Wet’suwet’en could not be reached to comment. Even when Aboriginal title to specific land is proven, it is “not absolute” and can be infringed, if there is a reasonable justification for that infringement, the Supreme Court ruled. “The aboriginal rights recognized and affirmed by s. 35(1), including aboriginal title, are not absolute,” the Supreme Court notes in the Delgamuukw decision. “Those rights may be infringed, both by the federal … and provincial … governments. However, [Section 35] requires that those infringements satisfy the test of justification.” The court provides examples where Aboriginal title might justifiably be infringed: “agriculture, forestry, mining, and hydroelectric power, the general economic development of the interior of British Columbia, protection of the environment or endangered species, the building of infrastructure and the settlement of foreign populations to support those aims, are the kinds of objectives that are consistent with this purpose and, in principle, can justify the infringement of aboriginal title.” The imbroglio over the Coastal GasLink pipeline speaks to the failure of the treaty process, which was supposed to resolve the Wet’suwet’en rights and title issue out of court. The Wet’suwet’en reached the agreement-in-principle stage but then abandoned the treaty table about two years ago. It is worth noting that the BC Treaty Commission recognizes the hereditary chiefs, through the Office of the Wet’suwet’en – not elected band council chiefs – as having the authority to negotiate treaty with the provincial and federal governments. In other words, the courts and governments recognize the authority of the hereditary chiefs as legitimate representatives of the Wet’suwet’en. In the Wet’suwet’en’s case, however, there is division over the Coastal GasLink project. Some hereditary chiefs oppose it, while others support it, as do all the elected band councils. Even where title is not proven – only asserted – provincial and federal governments have a duty to consult with and accommodate First Nations when approving projects that may infringe on their rights. But the duty to consult and accommodate is not a duty to achieve unanimous consent. That would effectively give First Nations a veto, and courts have repeatedly stated that no such veto power exists. “There is almost no case where Aboriginal title confers an absolute right,” Plant said. “Canadian law is always about balance. There are always cases where the greater social good will prevail over a private right, no matter how important or passionately held.” www.princegeorgecitizen.com/news/local-news/delgamuukw-did-not-settle-the-question-of-wet-suwet-en-title-1.24085622 __________________________

It is but that is not what you were implying now is it? You were implying that it had been enshrined by the Feds which is most certainly not the case and if these illegal blockades continue you can be darn sure that it will pushed even farther off the liberal agenda as it should. With any hope, it will die on the order table.

Top marks for an excellent post, Zeitgeist.

True that, Argus. So very very true.

Thank you so much for all the facts you have and are presenting, DogOnPorch. I also thank you for the links.

Oh puhlease. You are in favor of a bunch of old men nearing the end of their lives who are condemning all the younger generations present and in the future to a continued life of poverty, poor education, poor health facilities and all the other benefits that would come from the Coastal Gaslink line. FYI, those so-called hereditary chiefs were given years - years to come forward with there concerns. Instead they sat on their asses until long after negotiations were finished and the bands along the line had signed agreements with the company. Then they went to Coastal Gaslink demanding a new route. Coastal Gaslink told them that the route change they were demanding was more environmentally sensitive than the proposed route. Got that eyeball - more environmentally sensitive. In addition, it would cost billions more and would financially impact the bands signed on to the project.

It is a far cry from civil disobedience to illegally blockading rail lines but I doubt you are able to understand the difference. Sad that.

Ah..........so it was clan mothers who took away hereditary titles from the Wet'suwet'en women now in court to fight that decision. Good to know.

You think they could develop that in the North especially around all those remote communities who do not have manufacturing plants nearby nor any other means of income except the public purse. Would be great if they could but the fact is that can't and won't happen - due to the remoteness. So as you cheer for the demise of the Teck mine, know that you are supporting the continued impoverishment of those communities.

"In an email to Ricochet, the B.C. Ministry of Environment and Climate Change Strategy said that “the EAO has not rejected CGL’s report” and is asking the company for more information, including “how the feedback from Indigenous nations has been responded to and addressed.” “CGL is authorized to conduct pre-construction activities and this may continued during this 30 day period.” Coastal GasLink told CBC in a statement that the company hopes to engage Unist’ot’en shortly to address concerns."

Nothing. Nada. Just a futile attempt to deflect from the fact that she cannot produce a reliable source for her falsehoods.